レッドリボンキャンペーン2008

論文の題目

論文の題目を編集しました。
もちろん、論文の内容に、相応しい題目に変更するため。

戦後の日本アニメーションにおける女性の表象描写
―「アニメ」に隠されたメッセージ―

これから残る時間を精いっぱい戦う！

my latest publication

岩手・宮城内陸地震

其實最近的新聞真的不想多提，
世界最近每日不是天災就人禍，
不愉快的新聞充斥著每一天，
就像上星期岩手・宮城内陸地震，
然而我不是在振央，
但仙台是離振央最近的城市，
我亦深深感受到地震的可怕，
那天是這樣的，
那時候我還在一邊看新聞，一邊食早餐，
大概八點二十分左右吧，
地震發生了，
整個家不停在搖晃，
雖然住在東北將要快到三年，
這樣嚴重的地震，
我還是第一次感受到，
當時我腦中只是在想，
要走出去，還是留在家裡，
果然，對香港人而然，真的是太陌生，
要帶護照跑出去嗎，我還特意把論文及有用的文件一直放在usb裡，
好讓萬一遇上災難的時候，也不會什麼也沒有。

然而，如果真的有什麼事情發生的話，這樣的準備有用嗎?

日本是地震大國，雖然這個稱呼我覺得一點也談不上是讚美。
然而，日本也喜歡這樣稱呼自己。
在是次岩手・宮城内陸地震事件上，日本在危機應變上看似真的比四川大地震有效率。

其實，我認為有一點特別要注意的就是：今次日本地震發生在inaka (田舎), 亦即是人煙稀少的郊外，四川大地震發生在人多的地方裡，故此，受影響的程度當然不同。

當然中國的房屋耐震度是有代改善，然而，災難發生後，我認為首要的是減低遇難人數，單純比較日人跟中國人在災難發生後的應變能力，我相信不會是首要討論的問題吧。

生命是最重要不過的。
最近，天災真的太多了，
然而，社會的問題亦一日一日的增加，
月初的【秋葉原無差別殺傷】過後，
今天早上日本千葉県柏市又發生了一名77歲老翁【家族全員殺す】事件。

困るな。

サザエさんからナナまで：戦後の日本アニメで描写される女性のイメージにおける批判的研究

研究背景

本研究において、筆者は以下のような視点を採用している。すなわち、アニメは、我々の日常生活を行き交うありふれた事柄、そして、常に変化する社会におけるアイデンティティの性質をつかみとるための有益な媒体であるという視点である。いわば、アニメは現代の日本社会を映す「鏡」であり、今日の「現実」あるいは「ゆがんだ現実」を理解するための洞察へと導く術を我々に与えていると考えられるのではないだろうか。このことを示すために、戦後から現在に至る時代の全般にわたって（1950年代から現在までの）、アニメと女性たちのイメージとの関係性を探求していく。これまでなされてきたさまざまな研究が示すところは、戦後の日本の女性たちが、その地位や人生の機会といった点について、大きな変化を経験してきたということである（Kanai, 1996:23; Ishiwata, 1998:85; Sato, 2003:115）。そこで、本研究における主要な問題点として、（１）日本の戦後の女性たちに関するイメージに変化は起こってきたのかどうか、（２）もしそうだとしたら、いかなる形のものであるのか、という問いを設定し、アニメの内容分析を通してそれらを検証していく。

Nylonkong

I want to share this article in TIME with all the peoples living in Hong Kong.

Thursday, Jan. 17, 2008
A Tale Of Three Cities
By Michael Elliott

They tend to be an optimistic lot, the bankers and business leaders, politicians and pundits, who every year make their way to the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. Those who have power and influence often have much to be optimistic about, to be programmed to lift up their eyes to the hills — of which Davos has plenty — and see more prosperity coming their way.

This year's meeting, which starts on Jan. 23, might be a little different. Thoughts may be in the valley rather than the hills. A year ago, subprime had not entered the lexicon of the nightly news, and most Americans probably thought that "credit crunch" was a breakfast cereal. We all know better now. In the wake of the report that December's U.S. unemployment rate had jumped to 5%, the highest level in two years, the Bush Administration and Congress, Republicans and Democrats, started falling over themselves trying to find a politically acceptable stimulus package. With a recession in the American economy looking to be imminent, the tireless locomotive of the global economy seems finally to have run out of puff.

How serious are the consequences likely to be? Much more could go wrong: a collapse of the dollar, or of U.S. consumer confidence as house prices continue their fall. But on balance, the denizens of Davos would be well advised to keep up their sunny spirits. Taking the long view, the global economy is at a remarkable moment. Whatever the chance of a recession this year, the U.S. has experienced what the economist and former Under Secretary of the Treasury for International Affairs John B. Taylor of Stanford University calls a "long boom" since the Fed started to squeeze inflation out of the system in 1979. For nearly 30 years, Taylor points out, the few downturns the U.S. has suffered have, in historical terms, been both short and shallow. Even more extraordinary is the tale outside the U.S. According to the World Bank's recent Global Economic Prospects report, global growth in 2007 was 3.6%, down a little from 3.9% in 2006. But among developing economies, growth was a remarkable 7.4%, the fifth successive year of an expansion of more than 5%. This isn't just the predictable tale of the rise of China and India; on the back of strong commodity prices (and relative peace), African economies, too, are performing better than they have for a generation.

How did the world come to this happy position? You can list the usual reasons: two decades of decent macroeconomic policymaking, the triumph of markets and the collapse of command economies, the dissemination of transforming technologies and tools such as the Internet, and open trading systems. All of these are the attributes that combine to form that much discussed phenomenon: globalization. But in this special report, we look at one overlooked aspect of a generation's worth of global growth: the extent to which New York City, London, and Hong Kong, three cities linked by a shared economic culture, have come to be both examples and explanations of globalization. Connected by long-haul jets and fiber-optic cable, and spaced neatly around the globe, the three cities have (by accident — nobody planned this) created a financial network that has been able to lubricate the global economy, and, critically, ease the entry into the modern world of China, the giant child of our century. Understand this network of cities — Nylonkong, we call it — and you understand our time.

Go back nearly 30 years, and few would have thought that any of the three cities were about to remake the world for the better. In September of 1982, the Hong Kong stock exchange lost a quarter of its value after Margaret Thatcher, flush from her victory in the Falklands War, annoyed the rulers of communist China by foolishly seeming to suggest that Britain might be able to hold on to its colony — which prompted China to insist that it would do no such thing. At the same time, London and New York City were bywords of urban decay. In 1981, London had seen some of the most bitter riots in a century. The city was run by a hard-left political clique whose understanding of capitalism came straight from Marx. (Its leader was "Red" Ken Livingstone; some 25 years on, now mayor, he sings the praises of London's financial-services industry and is pals with New York's plutocratic leader, Michael Bloomberg.) New York almost went bankrupt in 1975; by the early 1980s, its streets were potholed, filthy and dangerous. The city routinely had nearly 2,000 homicides a year. Last year, the number was just 494, the lowest since consistent record-keeping began in 1963.

Challenge and Change
Yet even in the darkest times, the Nylonkong cities had the sort of hidden strengths that would be their salvation. All had a certain adaptability hardwired into their people. All were once centers of manufacturing, but all have been able to shift their economic focus to the service sector as factories moved from New York's lower east side, or London's Park Royal estate, or the thousands of tiny enterprises in Kowloon, to the American sunbelt or up the Pearl River delta from Hong Kong to Guangdong province. All are — or have been — great ports. Today, only Hong Kong of the three wears its seagoing character on its face, with tugs and barges chugging up and down the harbor a stone's throw from the skyscrapers of the banks and trading houses. London and New York, by contrast, politely hide their tattooed seafarers' muscle out of sight, downriver or on the Jersey shore. But the sense of being a blue-water place is vital to the cities' success. It has made them open to trade, with all the transformative capacity that trade has to shake up established orders and make the exotic familiar.

Their history as ports has made Nylonkong open to the world in other ways, too. New York, of course, has long been thought of as a city of immigrants — of the Irish and the Italians, the Dominicans in Washington Heights, and the scores of other ethnicities that make up Gotham's mosaic. But increasingly, so is London. In 2006, according to the London Labour Force Survey, 31% of the city's residents had been born outside Britain; that compared with 34% of New Yorkers who hailed from outside the U.S. that year. Hong Kong, which barely existed 150 years ago, has always been a haven for migrants fleeing trouble in China. Even in these prosperous times for the mainland, it still has pull. (Visitors from the West may find Hong Kong polluted; locals know it has cleaner air than almost all Chinese cities.) And increasingly, it is a magnet also for Chinese whose families have lived for generations in Canada, the U.S. and the U.K., as well as for other Asians. Between 1996 and 2006, for example, the number of South Asians in Hong Kong leapt by 43%.

The network of international trading and personal contacts that shape New York, London and Hong Kong facilitate their key industry. If the 19th century was the age of empire and the 20th one of war, so the 21st century, to date, is an age of finance. It is the banks and investment houses, the mutual funds and money managers, taking in their clients' cash and spreading it around the world, who have made today's global economy what it is. In Victorian times, London alone could fulfill this function. (The city funded enterprises all over the world, including much of the industrial development of the U.S. after the Civil War.) But the job has become too big for one place to handle. Now Nylonkong, that interconnected tripartite city, greases the wheels of trade and development. This is where the great banks — Citigroup and HSBC, Goldman Sachs and JP Morgan — have their headquarters and their key regional offices; this is where ambitious companies go to seek financing or go public. Hong Kong — whose stock market's capitalization jumped almost fourfold in the 10 years from 1996 — has especially been able to benefit from the business of the hundreds of Chinese companies that want to raise money in global markets. Its bankers and brokers are continuing an old story. As they circle the globe — there are no less than 187 direct flights that leave London for New York every week and 28 weekly flights from Hong Kong to New York — staying in their favorite hotels and dining at their favorite private clubs, Nylonkong's financial-services executives are heirs to the Tuscan moneylenders who first stretched the sinews of capitalism 700 years ago.

Great cities, of course, are about more than money and finance. They are messy agglomerations of talent and culture. That is how they attract men and women in the financial sector who could choose to live anywhere. (Granted, nobody yet would argue that Hong Kong was London or New York's cultural equal, but it's a younger place.) That's a reason why Nylonkong needs to be careful not to kill the goose that laid its golden egg. These places are not cheap. According to the consultancy ECA International, Hong Kong's high-end apartments last year had the most expensive rents in the world, with New York third and London sixth.

The sheer expense of living in Nylonkong is but one of the challenges facing it — as the next three stories demonstrate. In the case of New York, high real estate prices may squeeze out of town the very people that make a city fun and livable. Globalization may have brought many benefits to those who live in London, New York and Hong Kong, but it has at the same time made the familiar strange, and turned the known world upside down. As they see London property prices bid to the skies by an influx of foreigners, native Cockneys may one day wonder what the new world has to offer them. Hong Kong, for its part, has gotten rich on the back of China. But it is a city of just 6.9 million people. China's largest metropolis, Shanghai, holds 18 million, and the mainland has scores of other rising cities, all ambitious for their moment on the world stage. Hong Kong must continually raise its game to maintain its relevance to the burgeoning Chinese economy.

Yet these are places that know how to meet a challenge. They've done it before. From being dismissed as long past their prime a quarter of a century ago, New York, London and Hong Kong have gone on to extraordinary heights. Tying themselves together, they have also knitted the world into a seamless fabric, financing and transporting the container vessels and the streams of data that have made today's global economy a phenomenon that has increased the life chances of countless millions. Welcome to Nylonkong, and the world it made.

Does Sazae san influences the stock market?

This book sounds so interesting to me!



吉野貴晶（2006）サザエさんと株価の関係、日本：新潮社

【内容情報】（「BOOK」データベースより）「『サザエさん』の視聴率が上がると株価は下がる」「イヌの人気が高まると株価も上がる」「観覧車が増えると地域経済は活性化する」「不景気に強いのは音楽よりも映画」…経済の分析に人間の心理、行動をファクターとして取り入れた「行動ファイナンス」。その手法をもとに大和総研チーフクオンツアナリストが意外な法則の数々を明らかにする。投資家はもちろん、経済オンチにも楽しめる行動ファイナンス入門。

Does Sazae san influences the stock market?

I don’t think it is logic at all at the very beginning. After researching some information regarding to this, I believe this maybe sensible in some aspects. It is found that the Daiwa Institute of Research have published a report suggesting that there is a correlation between the rating of the TV anime Sazae san and the Japanese stock market in 2005. The report mentioned, when the stock values go up, the TV rating of Sazae san goes down and vice versa. And Daiwa’s also try to analysis this phenomenon by explaining the living pattern of the Japanese households, it stated if household don’t go out on Sunday, staying at home and watch Sazae san during dinner, which means the stock business is cooling down. The reason is not difficult to understand and is very clear. Japanese don’t have consumption power so they will tend to stay at home to have dinner instead of enjoying a meal outside. On the other hands, they will prefer to go out during Sunday night when they have money. Then of course the viewing rate of TV program must be lower and the stock market is increasing. If we understand the phenomenon in this sense, we can get a clear picture of why there is a correlation between Sazae san and Japanese stock market.

成人の日

あけまして、おめでとうございます。

很快就是一年一度的成人式，成人式對日本人來說有著非常大的意義，其實，自1948年開始日本政府為了令青年人對自己經已為成年人有所自覺之外，更希望藉似鼓勵青年自力更生將1月15日定為成人之日，到了2000年才更改為每年1月的第2 個星期一舉行。 剛剛滿20歲的青年日本定之為成人，參加過成人式之後，就正式代表著不再是小孩子了，他們要自立，投入成人的社會，也不會像小朋友一樣受到周遭的成人保護，他們要付上社會責任。各個地方政府都會在1月第2 個星期一，舉行成人式，女性參加者會穿上振袖(日本和服的一種)，而男性將會穿上西裝又或者是傳統的羽織り袴到場接受市長等人的祝賀。到底成人之日有何意義呢? 很多人都會認為今日的成人式意義不大，由於日本青年問題日漸嚴重，大學畢業之後，不投入社會工作的日漸增加。然而，我認為此等公民教育是必要的，假如此等傳統教育也不好好保留，那數十年之後的社會問題將會更加嚴峻。




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